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Study Tour Fellowship Report. We arrived in Delhi after the longest two hour flight! Eventually, though, we arrived, loaded our new tour bus, and joined Piyush, our local tour administrator. Humayun's Tomb Gate. Jama Masjid Jeweler's Alley, Old Delhi. Chandni Chowk. Red Fort, Lahori Gate Qutb Minar and Quwwat al-Islam Mosque begun Show oldest on top Show newest on top.

Indigenous Modernities: Negotiating Architecture and Urbanism by Jyoti Hosagrahar

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Please type the code above. Elite Indians, too, moved to Civil Lines although the British remained the dominant population there. As Indians moved out of the former Mughal Delhi, their haveli were turned into warehouses or into residences for multiple families.

Indigenous Modernities: Negotiating Architecture and Urbanism

This definition was not necessarily agreed upon by the locals living in the former Mughal city of Delhi. All streets were considered to be public spaces in the British concept; however, Hosagrahar argues that longstanding Indian practice dictated that streets could be used as the extensions of shops and dwellings, while in places where homes sat on cul-de-sacs, the entire area might be considered the personal property of those families.

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The Delhi municipality made numerous rules to control the use of public spaces, and the local population found an equal number of ways to go over the heads of officials, including eschewing building permits and simply constructing additions that impinged on public places. The British also wished to put their own imprimatur on the public face of Delhi.

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In addition to the railway and straight roads, which were used as promenades, they decided to build a Town Hall in a decidedly European style. To do this, a splendid Mughal building and garden were demolished on the showcase avenue of the city; in its place was constructed the Town Hall that employed the architectural vocabulary of the classical world.

Hosagrahar posits that the building was intended to reflect the order and civilized nature of the city under British authority. The building included a college, museum, reading room, and ceremonial hall as well as the offices of the newly established Delhi Municipal Committee. Apparently the local public was not really welcome to use the Town Hall.

Hosagrahar mentions the committee often, but it would be useful to know what this body had the authority to do and if its function changed over the period of time discussed. In addition to the Town Hall, the former Mughal capital increasingly was filled with institutions such as hospitals, banks, and schools that were modeled on Western approaches to disease, fiscal management, and education. Over time, Hosagrahar suggests, Indian forms of medicine, monetary control, and education were transformed, thus diminishing the significance of longstanding societal roles.

Delhi was declared the official capital of British India in , causing land values around the city to escalate. Schemes to promote European-style housing outside the walled city were developed, often with limited success, for in the end, Hosagrahar argues, the colonial regime was more committed to controlling land use and increasing its value than it was to building and maintaining communities.

In short, the colonial government was an extremely wealthy landlord. Chapter 6 considers the modern housing for both rich and poor that the British authorities created for the newly developed lands.

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