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The historical legacy does not have a negative effect on the present lack of social capital in Wallonia and the South of Italy, but the potentially positive effect of the historical legacy is currently curtailed by the poor socio-economic conditions, notably by the high level of income inequality and the low level of labour market participation. This historical interpretation is driven by the comparison with Flanders and the North East of Italy. The value of the historical legacy for present socio-economic development is similar to the 'appropriable social capital' theorized by Coleman [96] at the individual level.

The relation between historical evolutions and the socio-economic variables has similar characteristics at the macro level. This process increases social capital even further if socio-economic development is matched by the revival of the unique historical legacy of the area. The Flemish case and also to a lesser extent that of the North East of Italy illustrates this process well.

The socio-economic improvements that took place in the nineteenth century were matched by the revival of the glorious Flemish traditions of the thirteenth and fourteenth century. The increase of social capital generated by the reduction of income inequality and the increasing participation in the labour market due to the economic development was multiplied by the reconstruction of Flemish identity and pride.

This pride and self-confidence has, in turn, increased the feeling of solidarity within the region and contributed to generate a level of social capital, which is hardly explicable by the single socio-economic predictors. Ferragina suggests that, in the divergent cases, the value of the historical legacy is affected by the poor present socio-economic conditions. Social capital sleeps, not because of the absence of certain clearly defined historical steps as suggested by Putnam, but because socio-economic underdevelopment profoundly depressed the self-pride of Southern Italians and Walloons.

The biased and simplistic interpretations of Southern Italian and Walloon history will be discarded only when their socio-economic conditions reach a sufficient level, enacting a cycle similar to Flanders and the North East of Italy. Stronger redistribution, an increase of labour market participation accompanied by a simultaneous process of 'reinvention of the past' could enhance a positive cycle of social capital increase in both areas. The historical legacy in these two areas should not be seen as the root of the present lack of social capital but as a potential element for improvement.

Important moments of social engagement also existed in the history of these two areas; the imagery of Walloons and Southern Italians should be nourished by these almost forgotten examples of collective history i. Robison and colleagues measured the relative importance of selfishness and four social capital motives using resource allocation data collected in hypothetical surveys and non-hypothetical experiments. The selfishness motive assumes that an agent's allocation of a scarce resource is independent of his relationships with others. This motive is sometimes referred to as the selfishness of preference assumption in neoclassical economics.

Social capital motives assume that agents' allocation of a scarce resource may be influenced by their social capital or sympathetic relationships with others which may produce socio-emotional goods that satisfy socio-emotional needs for validation and belonging. The first social capital motive seeks for validation by acting consistently with the values of one's ideal self. The second social capital motive seeks to be validated by others by winning their approval. The third social capital motive seeks to belong. Recognizing that one may not be able to influence the sympathy of others, persons seeking to belong may act to increase their own sympathy for others and the organizations or institutions they represent.

The fourth social capital motive recognizes that our sympathy or social capital for another person will motivate us to act in their interest. In doing so we satisfy our own needs for validation and belonging. The social capital concept has influenced academic literature and public debate through the specter of social disintegration: would anybody disagree with the fact that we need healthy communities and civic engagement to protect our democracies? Ferragina and Arrigoni have argued that the popularity of this theory is rooted in the connection made with neoliberalism by James Coleman and Robert Putnam They contend that social capital theory has become an analytical tool to avoid the debate on the effects of neoliberal policies on civic engagement Ferragina and Arrigoni 9 [].

More specifically, by elaborating the most popular version of social capital theory, Putnam revitalised Tocqueville's seminal work on American democracy, showing that 'the health of liberal democracy' depends upon social engagement. However, in linking social capital, neoliberalism, and rational choice theory, Putnam did not consider that the intensity of social engagement in a society tends to be strictly related to the level of economic inequality Ferragina, , and other structural factors Costa and Kahn, , such as the universal nature of the welfare state Rothstein, Hence, by arguing that the disadvantaged need more social capital to insure themselves against the odds of a competitive world, Putnam implicitly suggests that being powerless is a result of not having enough capital rather than a structural problem of society Ferragina and Arrigoni However, in a period during which neoliberal governance is showing many drawbacks and the marked incapacity to deliver economic growth Piketty, , it is possible that to strengthen secondary groups and social engagement, more equality and greater levels of solidarity are needed as classically argued by Tocqueville, see Ferragina, There is a tension between the individualisation of social risks pursued by several political parties and the call to create social capital: it is becoming harder to blame the individual for collective problems.

Prior to the start of the economic crisis in , the tension between rising economic inequality and the demand to strengthen civic engagement was undermined by neoliberalism's capacity to sustain a certain level of economic growth. One might claim this capacity contributed to a transposition of social capital theory within public discourse. The limitations of finance as the central engine of economic growth, the material hardships fostered by the crisis, and the austerity measures implemented by governments in response to these challenges are critically undermining the legitimacy of neoliberal policies Ferragina and Arrigoni A number of authors [24] [] [] [] give definitions of civil society that refer to voluntary associations and organisations outside the market and state.

This definition is very close to that of the third sector, which consists of "private organisations that are formed and sustained by groups of people acting voluntarily and without seeking personal profit to provide benefits for themselves or for others". These voluntary associations also connect people with each other, build trust and reciprocity through informal, loosely structured associations, and consolidate society through altruism without obligation.

It is "this range of activities, services and associations produced by If civil society, then, is taken to be synonymous with the third sector then the question it seems is not 'how important is social capital to the production of a civil society? The idea that creating social capital i. The goal is to reintegrate those marginalised from the rewards of the economic system into "the community". However, according to Onyx , while the explicit aim of this policy is inclusion, its effects are exclusionary. Foley and Edwards [] believe that "political systems The resurgence of interest in social capital as a remedy for the cause of today's social problems draws directly on the assumption that these problems lie in the weakening of civil society.

However this ignores the arguments of many theorists who believe that social capital leads to exclusion [ citation needed ] rather than to a stronger civil society. In international development, Ben Fine and John Harriss have been heavily critical of the inappropriate adoption of social capital as a supposed panacea promoting civil society organisations and NGOs, for example, as agents of development for the inequalities generated by neo liberal economic development.

An abundance of social capital is seen as being almost a necessary condition for modern liberal democracy. A low level of social capital leads to an excessively rigid and unresponsive political system and high levels of corruption, in the political system and in the region as a whole. Formal public institutions require social capital in order to function properly, and while it is possible to have too much social capital resulting in rapid changes and excessive regulation , it is decidedly worse to have too little.

This article found that in post-communist states, higher levels of social capital did not equate to higher levels of democracy. However, higher levels of social capital led to higher support for democracy. A number of intellectuals in developing countries have argued that the idea of social capital, particularly when connected to certain ideas about civil society, is deeply implicated in contemporary modes of donor and NGO driven imperialism and that it functions, primarily, to blame the poor for their condition.

The concept of social capital in a Chinese social context has been closely linked with the concept of guanxi. An interesting attempt to measure social capital spearheaded by Corporate Alliance [] in the English speaking market segment of the United States of America and Xentrum [] through the Latin American Chamber of Commerce [] in Utah on the Spanish speaking population of the same country, involves the quantity, quality and strength of an individual social capital.

With the assistance of software applications and web-based relationship-oriented systems such as LinkedIn , these kinds of organizations are expected to provide its members with a way to keep track of the number of their relationships, meetings designed to boost the strength of each relationship using group dynamics, executive retreats and networking events as well as training in how to reach out to higher circles of influential people. There are many factors that drive volume towards the ballot box, including education, employment, civil skills, and time. Careful evaluation of these fundamental factors often suggests that women do not vote at similar levels as men.

However the gap between women and men voter turnout is diminishing and in some cases women are becoming more prevalent at the ballot box than their male counterparts. Recent research [] on social capital is now serving as an explanation for this change. Social capital offers a wealth of resources and networks that facilitate political engagement.

Since social capital is readily available no matter the type of community, it is able to override more traditional queues for political engagement; e. There are unique ways in which women organize. These differences from men make social capital more personable and impressionable to women audiences thus creating a stronger presence in regards to political engagement. A few examples of these characteristics are:.

The often informal nature of female social capital allows women to politicize apolitical environments without conforming to masculine standards, thus keeping this activity at a low public profile. These differences are hard to recognize within the discourse of political engagement and may explain why social capital has not been considered as a tool for female political engagement until as of late. A growing body of research has found that the presence of social capital through social networks and communities has a protective quality on health.

Social capital affects health risk behavior in the sense that individuals who are embedded in a network or community rich in support, social trust, information, and norms, have resources that help achieve health goals. Social capital also encourages social trust and membership. These factors can discourage individuals from engaging in risky health behaviors such as smoking and binge drinking. Social capital indicators such as neighbourhood cohesion, social support, and ties providing a bond between members of the same religion, have been found to be associated with better health despite financial or socioeconomic hardship.

The relationships and networks that are maintained by an ethnic minority population in a geographical area where a high percentage of residents belong to the same ethnic group may lead to better health outcomes than would be expected based on other individual and neighbourhood characteristics. Inversely, a lack of social capital can impair health. For example, results from a survey given to to year-old students in Sweden showed that low social capital and low social trust are associated with higher rates of psychosomatic symptoms, musculoskeletal pain, and depression.

Although there are only a few studies that assess social capital in criminalized populations, there is information that suggests that social capital does have a negative effect in broken communities. Deviant behavior is encouraged by deviant peers via favorable definitions and learning opportunities provided by network-based norms. Researchers have also investigated the hypothesis that the health benefits of social capital depend on the socioeconomic resources an individual or community has available to them.

For example, social capital may boost health only for those with higher levels of education, or more so for those with a higher rather than a lower income.

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This research is based on Bourdieu's notion that social, economic, and cultural capital are dependent on each other. Similar to watching the news and keeping abreast of current events, the use of the Internet can relate to an individual's level of social capital. In one study, informational uses of the Internet correlated positively with an individual's production of social capital, and social-recreational uses were negatively correlated higher levels of these uses correlated with lower levels of social capital.

He created it after an incident where a lady passed out during a train ride due to the congestion in the train and help was delayed because of the congestion in the train and the inefficiency of the train conductor. His blog exposed the poor conditions of train stations, overcrowding train rides and inefficiency of the train conductor which eventually influenced changes within the transit system.

Unlike face to face interaction, people can instantly connect with others in a targeted fashion by placing specific parameters with internet use. This means that individuals can selectively connect with others based on ascertained interests, and backgrounds. Facebook is currently the most popular social networking site and touts many advantages to its users including serving as a social lubricant for individuals who otherwise have difficulties forming and maintaining both strong and weak ties with others.

This argument continues, although the preponderance of evidence shows a positive association between social capital and the internet. Critics of virtual communities believe that the Internet replaces our strong bonds with online "weak-ties" [] or with socially empty interactions with the technology itself. Recent research, conducted in , also shows that Internet users often have wider networks than those who uses internet irregularly or not at all.

When not considering family and work contacts, Internet users actually tend to have contact with a higher number of friends and relatives. Other research shows that younger people use the Internet as a supplemental medium for communication, rather than letting the Internet communication replace face-to-face contact.

Among respondents of this study, social capital built exclusively online creates weaker ties. Coleman and Hoffer collected quantitative data of 28, students in total 1, public, Catholic and other private high schools in America from the 7 years' period from to Teachman et al. They criticise Coleman, who used only the number of parents present in the family, neglected the unseen effect of more discrete dimensions such as stepparents' and different types of single-parent families. They take into account of a detailed counting of family structure, not only with two biological parents or stepparent families, but also with types of single-parent families with each other mother-only, father-only, never-married, and other.

They also contribute to the literature by measuring parent-child interaction by the indicators of how often parents and children discuss school-related activities. Morgan and Sorensen [] directly challenge Coleman for his lacking of an explicit mechanism to explain why Catholic schools students perform better than public school students on standardised tests of achievement. One is on Catholic schools as norm-enforcing schools whereas another is on public schools as horizon-expanding schools. It is found that while social capital can bring about positive effect of maintaining an encompassing functional community in norm-enforcing schools, it also brings about the negative consequence of excessive monitoring.

Creativity and exceptional achievement would be repressed as a result. Whereas in horizon expanding school, social closure is found to be negative for student's mathematic achievement. These schools explore a different type of social capital, such as information about opportunities in the extended social networks of parents and other adults.

The consequence is that more learning is fostered than norm-enforcing Catholic school students. In sum, Morgan and Sorensen's study implies that social capital is contextualised, one kind of social capital may be positive in this setting but is not necessarily still positive in another setting. In the setting of education through Kilpatrick et al. Social capital is particularly important in terms of education. Also the importance of education with ' Without social capital in the area of education, teachers and parents that play a responsibility in a students learning, the significant impacts on their child's academic learning can rely on these factors.

With focus on parents contributing to their child's academic progress as well as being influenced by social capital in education. Without the contribution by the parent in their child's education, gives parents less opportunity and participation in the student's life. As Tedin et al. With parents also involved in activities and meetings the school conducts, the more involved parents are with other parents and the staff members. Thus parent involvement contributes to social capital with becoming more involved in the school community and participating makes the school a sustainable and easy to run community.

Social capital

In their journal article "Beyond social capital: Spatial dynamics of collective efficacy for children", Sampson et al. They claim, "resources or networks alone e.


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Marjoribanks and Kwok [] conducted a survey in Hong Kong secondary schools with fourteen-year-old students with an aim to analyse female and male adolescents differential educational achievement by using social capital as the main analytic tool. In that research, social capital is approved of its different effects upon different genders. The research findings show that supportive networks is the key determinant differentiating the divergent adaptation pathways.

Supportive networks, as a form of social capital, is necessary for activating the cultural capital the newly arrived students possessed. The amount of accumulated capital is also relevant to further advancement in the ongoing adaptation process. Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston [] in their study of a Vietnamese community in New Orleans find that preserving traditional ethnic values enable immigrants to integrate socially and to maintain solidarity in an ethnic community.

Ethnic solidarity is especially important in the context where immigrants just arrive in the host society. In her article "Social Capital in Chinatown", Zhou examines how the process of adaptation of young Chinese Americans is affected by tangible forms of social relations between the community, immigrant families, and the younger generations. Ethnic support provides impetus to academic success. Furthermore, maintenance of literacy in native language also provides a form of social capital that contributes positively to academic achievement.

Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch [] found that bilingual students were more likely to obtain the necessary forms of institutional support to advance their school performance and their life chances. Putnam mentions in his book Bowling Alone , " Child development is powerfully shaped by social capital" and continues "presence of social capital has been linked to various positive outcomes, particularly in education".

In states where there is a high social capital, there is also a high education performance. Teachers have reported that when the parents participate more in their children's education and school life, it lowers levels of misbehavior, such as bringing weapons to school, engaging in physical violence, unauthorized absence, and being generally apathetic about education.

In order to understand social capital as a subject in geography, one must look at it in a sense of space, place, and territory. In its relationship, the tenets [ who? The biggest advocate for seeing social capital as a geographical subject was American economist and political scientist Robert Putnam. His main argument for classifying social capital as a geographical concept is that the relationships of people is shaped and molded by the areas in which they live. Putnam argued that the lack of social capital in the South of Italy was more the product of a peculiar historical and geographical development than the consequence of a set of contemporary socio-economic conditions.

This idea has sparked a lengthy debate and received fierce criticism Ferragina, ; Ferragina 3. Anthony Giddens developed a theory in in which he relates social structures and the actions that they produce.

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In his studies, he does not look at the individual participants of these structures, but how the structures and the social connections that stem from them are diffused over space. If an area is plagued by social organizations whose goals are to revolt against social norms, such as gangs, it can cause a negative social capital for the area causing those who disagreed with said organizations to relocate thus taking their positive social capital to a different space than the negative.

Another area where social capital can be seen as an area of study in geography is through the analysis of participation in volunteerism and its support of different governments. One area to look into with this is through those who participate in social organizations. People that participate are of different races, ages, and economic status. Secondly, there are different social programs for different areas based on economic situation. Thirdly, social capital can be affected by the participation of individuals of a certain area based on the type of institutions that are placed there.

Fox in his paper "Decentralization and Rural Development in Mexico", which states "structures of local governance in turn influence the capacity of grassroots communities to influence social investments. Since every area is different, the government takes that into consideration and will provide different areas with different institutions to fit their needs thus there will be different changes in social capital in different areas.

In the context of leisure studies , social capital is seen as the consequence of investment in and cultivation of social relationships allowing an individual access to resources that would otherwise be unavailable to him or her. There is a significant connection between leisure and democratic social capital. The more an individual participates in social activities, the more autonomy the individual experiences, which will help her or his individual abilities and skills to develop. The greater the accumulation of social capital a person experiences, may transfer to other leisure activities as well as personal social roles, relationships and in other roles within a social structure.

It has been noted that social capital may not always be used for positive ends. While pursuing doctoral studies, Lester was the first to create figures and equate negative social capital with negative returns.

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An example of the complexities of the effects of negative social capital is violence or criminal gang activity that is encouraged through the strengthening of intra-group relationships bonding social capital. Without "bridging" social capital, "bonding" groups can become isolated and disenfranchised from the rest of society and, most importantly, from groups with which bridging must occur in order to denote an "increase" in social capital. Bonding social capital is a necessary antecedent for the development of the more powerful form of bridging social capital.

As social capital bonds and stronger homogeneous groups form, the likelihood of bridging social capital is attenuated. Bonding social capital can also perpetuate sentiments of a certain group, allowing for the bonding of certain individuals together upon a common radical ideal. The strengthening of insular ties can lead to a variety of effects such as ethnic marginalization or social isolation. In extreme cases ethnic cleansing may result if the relationship between different groups is so strongly negative. In mild cases, it just isolates certain communities such as suburbs of cities because of the bonding social capital and the fact that people in these communities spend so much time away from places that build bridging social capital.

Social capital in the institutional Robert Putnam sense may also lead to bad outcomes if the political institution and democracy in a specific country is not strong enough and is therefore overpowered by the social capital groups. Even though German society was, at the time, a "joining" society these groups were fragmented and their members did not use the skills they learned in their club associations to better their society.

They were very introverted in the Weimar Republic. Hitler was able to capitalize on this by uniting these highly bonded groups under the common cause of bringing Germany to the top of world politics. The former world order had been destroyed during World War I, and Hitler believed that Germany had the right and the will to become a dominant global power. Additionally, in his essay "A Criticism of Putnam's Theory of Social Capital", [] Michael Shindler expands upon Berman's argument that Weimar social clubs and similar associations in countries that did not develop democracy, were organized in such a way that they fostered a "we" instead of an "I" mentality among their members, by arguing that groups which possess cultures that stress solidarity over individuality, even ones that are "horizontally" structured and which were also common to pre- soviet eastern europe , will not engender democracy if they are politically aligned with non-democratic ideologies.

Later work by Putnam also suggests that social capital, and the associated growth of public trust are inhibited by immigration and rising racial diversity in communities.

Articulate the social classes and social networks

In societies where immigration is high USA or where ethnic heterogeneity is high Eastern Europe , it was found that citizens lacked in both kinds of social capital and were overall far less trusting of others than members of homogenous communities were found to be. Lack of homogeneity led to people withdrawing from even their closest groups and relationships, creating an atomized society as opposed to a cohesive community.

These findings challenge previous beliefs that exposure to diversity strengthens social capital, either through bridging social gaps between ethnicities or strengthening in-group bonds. It is very important for policy makers to monitor the level of perceived socio-economic threat from immigrants because negative attitudes towards immigrants make integration difficult and affect social capital.

James Coleman has indicated that social capital eventually led to the creation of human capital for the future generation. Field suggested that such a process could lead to the very inequality social capital attempts to resolve. Even though Coleman never truly addresses Bourdieu in his discussion, this coincides with Bourdieu's argument set forth in Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. Bourdieu and Coleman were fundamentally different at the theoretical level as Bourdieu believed the actions of individuals were rarely ever conscious, but more so only a result of their habitus see below being enacted within a particular field, but this realization by both seems to undeniably connect their understanding of the more latent aspects of social capital.

According to Bourdieu, habitus refers to the social context within which a social actor is socialized. Thus, it is the social platform, itself, that equips one with the social reality they become accustomed to. Out of habitus comes field, the manner in which one integrates and displays his or her habitus. To this end, it is the social exchange and interaction between two or more social actors. To illustrate this, we assume that an individual wishes to better his place in society. He therefore accumulates social capital by involving himself in a social network, adhering to the norms of that group, allowing him to later access the resources e.

If, in the case of education, he uses these resources to better his educational outcomes, thereby enabling him to become socially mobile, he effectively has worked to reiterate and reproduce the stratification of society, as social capital has done little to alleviate the system as a whole. This may be one negative aspect of social capital, but seems to be an inevitable one in and of itself, as are all forms of capital. Social capital has been associated with the reduction in access to informal credit in informal economies especially in developing countries.

Similar results were revealed in a cross-sectional study run by Sarker in Bangladesh. Epo presented the case that social capital and micro loans increase the likelihood of female entrepreneurship in Cameroon. Other authors however disagree about the positive correlation between social capital and Microfinance, Kanak and Iiguni argue that formation of social capital is largely dependent on strategies implemented by Microfinance Institutions.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Central concepts. Civil society Political particularism Positive rights Social capital Value pluralism. Important thinkers. Related topics. Christian democracy Radical centrism Republicanism Social democracy. See also: Sex differences in social capital. Academy of Management Review. Retrieved 20 April Also see Hanifan, L. Random House. If self-government in the place is to work, underlying any float of population must be a continuity of people who have forged neighborhood networks.

These networks are a city's irreplaceable social capital. Whenever the capital is lost, from whatever cause, the income from it disappears, never to return until and unless new capital is slowly and chancily accumulated. American Journal of Sociology. Wellman, Barry and Scot Wortley. American Journal of Sociology Loury, Glenn Wallace and A. Le Mund. Lexington, Mass. The Economic Journal. Community and Association. Les Classiques de Science Sociale. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. In Hans H. Gert and Mills C. Wright eds From Max Weber. New York: Oxford University Press.

London: Policy Studies Institute. The Quest for Community. Princeton: Princeton University Press. New York: Simon and Schuster. Ferragina, E. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

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American Behavioral Scientist. Escape from politics? Is Civil Society an Adequate Theory? Journal of Planning Education and Research. Social Capital: its origins and applications in modern sociology Annual Review of Sociology, 24, Archived from the original on 16 October Retrieved 10 October January Journal of Democracy. On the contrary, the historical legacy mitigates the negative effect of inequitable income distribution, low labour market participation and weak national cohesion on social capital Ferragina Retrieved 2 December Saguaro Seminar: Civic Engagement in America.

John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. Effects of inequitable offer, relationship, and relational-self orientation". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. Reputation Trojan. Archived from the original on 18 October Retrieved 6 February Strategic Management Journal Journal of Business Venturing. Putnam 7 August Simon and Schuster. Journal of". Computer-Mediated Communication. Social capital and democracy. American behavioral scientist, 40 5 , Social capital: reconceptualizing the bottom line.

Corporate Communications: An International Journal, 5 2 , In Eric L. Lesser ed. Knowledge and Social Capital: Foundations and Applications. Review of Social Economy. Building resilience: Social capital in post-disaster recovery. University of Chicago Press. Encyclopedia of Political Communication.

SAGE Publications. The Subject Investigated , 24 March Saabrucken: Bezkresy Wiedzy, , s. Housing Policy Debate. American Sociological Review. Neighborhood sense of community and social capital: A multi-level analysis. Fisher, C. Sociale acties. Related item. Online version:: Parsons, Talcott, Structure of social action. Glencoe, Ill. Back to results. University of Bristol Libraries.

The decline of the social classes and socio-professional categories

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